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The Lessons of the Corona: In the Savage of Capitalism, and a Window for Another Future

The Persistent Failure of Capitalism: Revealing Observations by the Pandemic

 

The pandemic has made major changes to human lives around the world, illustrating a set of unreeting observations of the dominant economic system on which the world “operates.”

 

It became clear that the “free market,” “capital globalization,” and the companies and financial institutions that perpetuate the planet were not only ineffective in dealing with the pandemic and the global emergency arising from it, but also caused (through mechanisms of competition and the weakening of public services, including health, through decades of neoliberal policies) the death and suffering of millions of people. As in the midst of the 2007-2008 global financial crisis, this “system” tends to absorb billions of taxpayer money for corporations, rather than injecting that money to the benefit of the affected people themselves. When things go wrong, and the capitalist system and its “free” market fall into crisis, intensive “socialist” prescriptions are required for its processing, enforced through government actions and government intervention in all sectors, especially economic ones, which is the exact opposite of the fundamentals of neoliberalism that have been heavily promoted around the world by the global capitalist system, since the 1980s

 

It is funny to note that the most important people on our planet today are not the executives of large companies, nor the politicians who fall within their sphere of influence, but the Arab army of small earners and exploitative and low-paid employees of nurses, doctors, cleaners, drivers, farmers, technicians and public servants who walk and sustain the basics of life and survival. What really matters today is not the sumptuous luxury goods that are completely dispensed with, but the basics of food, medicine, respirators, and free health-therapeutic coverage that includes everyone. While billions spend more than billions on “defense” and the military sectors (investing in killing people), the volume of budgets allocated to social and health needs (investing in saving people and improving their standard of living) is decreasing, leaving “strong” countries, militarily and politically, in a state of extreme vulnerability to a viral pandemic, losing hundreds of thousands of The victims .

The most important people on our planet today are not the executives of big companies, not the politicians within their sphere of influence, but the Arab army of small earners and exploitative employees with low salaries.

 

In a world where the social capabilities and potential of states have been weakened, it is remarkable that some social responsibilities are transferred to other organizations such as the “mafia” that distributed food aid in Italy’s poor logic, or “criminal” gangs that imposed curfews and other health measures in the slums of Rio de Janeiro in Brazil. The neoliberal transformation of states became apparent, a shift he took toward a form of military-police entity with little social concerns, most of which was left to compete in the “free market” and as a derivative of profits, leaving the poor and the most vulnerable segments to their inevitable fate.

 

All of this is happening after neoliberal policies have prescribed the public sector in a number of countries in the tone of privatization, severely weakening its ability to intervene effectively for the common good, leaving doctors and nurses in conflict with a still growing number of patients without hospital beds, and at a loss of decisions determining who lives and who dies, as a result of the lack of resources produced by neoliberalism.

 

As for the major continental cooperation organizations, there is nothing wrong with it: their brighter example, which has always been a proverbial and envy: the European Union, has deposited its internal test as its countries scattered themselves looking for their own interest, leaving the most affected and weakest economies (Italy and Spain) with little help. These organizations are effective in terms of power centralization and the settlement of their relations, but in the event of a global pandemic, “alists” become immoral contenders to seize personal protective supplies and equipment, and screening crews, sometimes crooked intelligence methods, in another sign of the nature of this competitive system, and the extent to which it can reach.

 

Doesn’t one stop the United States blocking the export of protective masks to Europe; or the slowness of the United States, Britain, and Europe to enforce firm and strict measures that serve the health of citizens, in an attempt to keep the economy and business running unaffected, which means favoring pouring more profits into the pockets of a few who boarded their yachts at

 

Doesn’t one stop the fact that the role of the United Nations, the largest international cooperation organization, has been zero, and that this institution (with its Security Council, its permanent members, and their right to veto) only works when it comes to the interests of the powerful, either in totalitarian global crises, or when it comes to the rights of the weak (e.g. Palestinians) it stands immobile? Don’t we stop another fact that showed that the UN health organization, the World Health Organization, only played an advisory role, and failed to coordinate international efforts to address the pandemic because “the players [on the international stage] did not cooperate”? Don’t we stop the head of the world’s largest power cutting funding to it at the most important moments the world needs such an organization?

 

The emerging Corona conveyed the hypocrisy of the pretenders of civilization and humanity, the hypocrisy experienced and suffered by the South of the world and continues, to its stronghold again, in the same pattern as the Lindkvist ships in his book “History of aerial bombardment”, when the experiments and massacres of bombing the local population in the colonies found their way to the same European cities in the First and Second World Wars, to witness European-European battles over “aid” programs, their quality, and conflicts of interest between poorer Europeans (such as Italy) and their wealthier brothers (Germany and the Netherlands) within the same determinants that governed relations between the North and South of the world: determinants that do not find anything wrong with talking about “herd immunity”, which means – in operation – leaving the elderly and the most vulnerable to die. For the eyes of the “economy,” just as it did not find anything wrong with selling fighter jets to highly criminal regimes and groups for billions of dollars, then sending their agencies for “international development” and “humanitarian support” to make the victims artificial limbs, and provide them with recreational sketches, with crumbs of profits they later recover in the form of

 

At the level of the environment, it has become clear that the possibility of a significant reduction in catastrophic pollution (which was previously considered “impossible” or “complex” at best) is possible; and that the desired results can be achieved, within very short periods of time.

 

While curfews in many countries around the world impose, these are the observations that need to be seen, and that the preliminary material of a global public debate regarding the real possibility of another future path for us humans, constitutes the possibility of the existence of political and economic systems capable of reversing this failure, opened by the window of the experience of the epidemic as we reflect on our tragic, sudden reality through it.

Militarization of response in communities dismantled into individuals

 

Two Second Observations Are Clear In The Midst Of The Pandemic. The first is the amount of resources invested in community policing, and in militarizing local emergency response, around the world. In Jordan (but not limited to) the movement was quick and decisive from the beginning, with a curfew imposed early in the start of infection registration, the provinces were isolated from each other and closed, and airports were closed and flights to and from the country were banned. These decisive measures succeeded in controlling the spread of the disease, but what I want to refer to here are the conditions and paramilitary atmosphere in which the context of which the crisis was mobilized. The phrase “war on the epidemic” was widely used globally, as well as the reference to the medical staff as the “first line of defense”, and the “war atmosphere” was generally used, such as mobilizing popular support for the security and military services, the use of sirens to announce the entry into force of the evening curfew, and the military headed the crisis management cell, while the resorted not only to the large-scale deployment of police personnel, but the army and its mechanisms were deployed inside cities and villages, and the government activated the “defense law”: a law whose powers similar to martial law, allowing direct legislation By decrees (defense orders).

 

These world-pervasive militaristic manifestations (albeit in varying forms) lead us to note that capitalism based on the fragmentation of societies into consumer, selfish, and competitive individuals has destroyed (in varying degrees as well) forms of solidarity and voluntary community groupism, and has perpetuated (and turned into necessity) a military or paramilitary response in the presence of internal emergencies.

 

This brings us to the second observation, which emerged in China, and was used to a lesser extent by Israel, Singapore, and South Korea, and is available and usable around the world: the depth, length of hand, and the control, control and coercion mechanisms offered by contemporary technology. The technology China has used to contain Covid-19 could be used (and has been used) to contain dissidents, uninvileged communities internally, or, as Edward Snowden has shown, for wider containment on a global scale. This technology exists and can be easily activated all over the world, especially with the widespread spread of “smart” phones, and several governments in the world have expressed interest in activating such mechanisms, under the pretext of confronting the emerging Corona pandemic, on the passengers of the success of the “Chinese experience.”

 

Will unorganized, disintegrationalized, depoliticized societies be able to confront camped regimes that use widespread and deep censorship?

 

There is no harm in imagining another world, but..

 

Conflicts of interest between the pillars of the global capitalist system itself; conflict between its poorest and richer components; fault lines that expand and threaten its global dominance, thereby threatening the institutions and instruments of that hegemony (the United Nations, the European Union, the IMF and the World Bank); the exposure of the fatal flaws of profit- and competitive economic systems, and their clarity of their seriousness in international emergencies; the insignificance of surplus consumer patterns and the lack of the need for a large number of non-essential goods and sectors designed to withdraw the salaries of workers and employees back into the pockets of capitalists; the proof that the recovery of nature is possible and rapid; all of these represent entry points to a new public consciousness that was previously incapable (in the midst of capitalist propaganda asserting the impossence of the absence of Another system) on just imagining another world. Will people be able to develop these attention to effective political expressions after everything returns to its “nature”?

 

One of the virtues of this shutdown situation was the reorientation of production in several countries of the world towards domestic needs and fundamentals, which is the opposite of globalization in one form or another.

One of the virtues of this shutdown situation was the reorientation of production in several countries of the world towards domestic needs and fundamentals, which is the opposite of globalization in one form or another. While millions of people have lost (or will) lose their jobs, and the savings of the middle class will be dwindled by the economic collapse that accompanies and subsequent to the pandemic, and more join the ranks of the poor, which are constantly swelling and worsening, this situation may be an opportunity to build class awareness and international solidarity mechanisms, among these crushed, as a starting point for this other world.

 

The possibilities that the Covid-19 crisis opens to another future will remain in the circle of idealism and security as it highlights the challenges of militarization and censorship mentioned above, other challenges related to the universality of capitalism, the linkage of the interests of the ruling elites in the north and south of the world to the interests of the global financial system, the ability of competitors to “

 

If these reagent observations resulting from the effects of Covid-19 do not lead us to develop a class and environmental awareness of solidarity, solidarity, collective, that overcomes individualism, and the removal of politics from the public space, achieved by neoliberal ideology over the past four decades, proving instead its sayings of belief about individual responsibility, leadership, positive thinking, volunteering, entertainment, self-saving, consumption as a path to happiness, commodities as an expression of diversity and freedom and an object of desire, enrichment and their lifestyles as models, in general, and this awareness crystallized into a global movement with political-economic-enviroeconomic goals whose general trends have matured since the 2007-2008 global financial crisis, and have become the essence of people like Greta Thunberg and movements such as the “extinction Revolution”; if not all this happens, we will witness a historic opportunity Others seep out of our fingers.

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